For many New Zealanders the most thought they will have given to Waitangi Day this year is what day it falls on. 
The 2010 calendar is unkind to workers struggling with another year in the same job. February 6 is a Saturday, so the national day does not deliver an extra holiday this year.
Famous as they are for seeking out perks, an extra holiday will be the last thing on the minds of our politicians this Waitangi Day. The marking of the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi cuts right to the heart of one of the most important and enduring aspects of New Zealand politics: The relationship between Maori and Pakeha.
While technically the Treaty partners are the Crown and Maori, in practical terms Waitangi Day is a barometer for the state of relations between Maori and the political parties of the day, particularly the governing parties.
John Key will be in good heart as he heads north for his second Waitangi Day as Prime Minister. The Te Karere DigiPoll shows Key is held in high esteem among the 1,000 Maori canvassed in that survey - he easily tops the preferred Prime Minister rankings and scores highly for providing good leadership on Maori issues.
Interestingly it is Labour - the political home of Maori voters for decades - which now has the problem with Maori and it is a problem big enough to keep them out of government.
Plenty of Maori still support Labour. The Te Karere DigiPoll says 38% of Maori still intend to give their party vote to Labour. Phil Goff, though, scores poorly, with just 18% believing he provides good leadership on Maori issues and nearly half believing he's not the best person to lead the party.
Wounding as those numbers will be to Goff that is not Labour's biggest problem with Maori. The problem lies with its strategy towards the Maori Party. 
Labour's approach to Maori issues has unravelled over the past few months. In November Goff gave his "Nationhood" speech , warning of looming racial division if National and the Maori Party continue on their current course.
The speech was a failure. It was interpreted as Goff playing the race card and created some internal division. Goff then dropped the race relations issue and passed it to Shane Jones. Being Maori, Jones can criticise Maori and the Maori Party in ways that Phil Goff cannot.
To that extent the strategy makes sense. What doesn't make sense is the strategy Jones is now articulating, presumably with his leaders' authority.
Jones says he wants to drive the Maori Party out of parliament. Think about that. Under MMP the major parties have always needed coalition partners to form a government. Labour now has only the Greens, and without
Sue Bradford and Jeanette Fitzsimons, their continued presence in parliament is looking fragile.
Attacking the Maori Party and calling for its destruction will do nothing for Labour. It risks a backlash from Maori voters and, more generally, if New Zealanders judge that Labour is unable to form a government they will perceive them as irrelevant.
The Maori Party was formed after Tariana Turia split from Labour over the Foreshore and Seabed law - so naturally there is historical and mutual acrimony.
But that was when Helen Clark was leader. Phil Goff is trying to forge a new look Labour - or more accurately, create a retro look. With some success, he is attempting to take Labour back to its working class roots. He should also be thinking about adopting a new attitude to the Maori Party - offering an olive branch rather than unleashing Shane Jones in attack mode.
Goff is a regular attendee at the dawn service on Waitangi Day. It's the most spiritual part of the commemorations, as dawn breaks at the upper marae to the sound of karakia.
Perhaps this year, when Goff bows his head in reflection, he should think about how Labour can repair relations with the Maori Party. His chance of ever being Prime Minister may depend on it.
Source: TVNZ
